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The Significance of a Sadra:


Sadra is a special shirt of nine seams worn just next to the skin made of cotton and white in colour and prepared from one whole piece of cloth. On such a Sudra round the waist is girded a kusti.

The Mazdiyasnis before the advent of Lord Zarthustra, used to put on sadra and kusti. The wear of a sadra and kusti with their special cut and make were blessed and given to His votaries as instruments with which the faults of the flesh can be improved upon when the path is treaded upon. Nine seams of the sadra show the significance of our birth on the globe. The girda the first seam on the back show the burden of sins, which one has to bear and square by Tarikat. The gareban, the second seam on the chest in the heart region shows the significance of honest dealings and obedience to the cannons of morals thus preparing a holy halo round about the body. The third seam of a triangular shape is situated on one side of the lower round border. In the case of males the triangular seam is on the right side and in the case of females it is on the left side.

The fourth and the fifth seams are the two right and left sleeves covering the arms uptil the elbow. They indicate that one has to attain the power of reading the thoughts and knowing activities not only of humanity but of the natural laws and the creation subject to them as animal, vegetable and minerals, these powers being that of Airaman and Saok. The sixth seam is denoted by the front half of the sudra. It puts the wearer in mind of the fact that the life is very dear and given with a purpose.

The seventh seam is denoted by the back half of sudra which indicates the unknown and unseen Nature and Yazat, nay the very Ahurmazd. It indicates that the Ruvan finally, when the above powers are attained at making the body lustrous and truthful, will attune with the other two members of its trinity Baodung and Faroher attaining a power called ‘Naf-e-Bavri’ when the Ruvan will become a peg in the divine machinery of Ahurmazd which creates the universe.

The eighth seam of the straight line is situated on one side of the lower round border. In the case of men it is situated on the left side, and in the case of women it is situated on the right side.The ninth seam is indicated by the double sewn round lower border which indicates the rameshni all joy of Ram Yazat accompanied with the fitness of the Ruvan to attain Khaetvodath i.e. assimilation of both masculine and feminine parts of Ruvan which were separated in the beginning of the creation of the body in lieu of the covenants made with Ahurmazd.

Mount Damavand


Mount Damavand is depicted on the reverse of the Iranian 10,000 rials banknote. The origins and meaning of the word "Damavand" is unclear, yet some prominent researchers have speculated that it probably means "The mountain from which smoke and ash arises", alluding to the volcanic nature of the mountain.


Mount Damavand, a potentially active volcano, is a strato volcano which is the highest peak in Iran and the highest volcano in Asia; the Kunlun Volcanic Group in Tibet is higher than Damāvand, but are not considered to be volcanic mountains. Damāvand has a special place in Persian mythology and folklore. It is in the middle of the Alborzrange, adjacent to Varārū, Sesang, Gol-e Zard, and Mīānrūd. It is near the southern coast of the Caspian Sea, in Amol County, Mazandaran Province, 66 kilometres (41 miles) northeast of the city of Tehran.

Mount Damāvand is the 12th most prominent peak in the world, and the second most prominent in Asia after Mount Everest. It is the highest volcanic mountain in Asia, and part of the Volcanic Seven Summits mountaineering challenge.


Damavand is a significant mountain in Persian mythology. It is the symbol of Iranian resistance against despotism and foreign rule in Persian poetry and literature. In Zoroastrian texts and mythology, the three-headed dragon Aži Dahāka was chained within Mount Damāvand, there to remain until the end of the world. In a later version of the same legend, the tyrant Zahhāk was also chained in a cave somewhere in Mount Damāvand after being defeated by Kāveh and Fereydūn. Persian poet Ferdowsi depicts this event in his masterpiece, the Shahnameh.

He brought Zahhak like a horse to mount Damavand, And tied him at the peak tight and bound.

The mountain is said to hold magical powers in the Shahnameh. Damāvand has also been named in the Iranian legend of Arash (as recounted by Bal'ami) as the location from which the hero shot his magical arrow to mark the border of Iran, during the border dispute between Iran and Turan. The poem Damāvand by Mohammad Taqī Bahār is also one fine example of the mountain's significance in Persian literature. The first verse of this poem reads:

Oh white giant with feet in chains
Oh dome of the world, Oh Mount Damāvand


Mount Damavand is also depicted on the reverse of the Iranian 10,000 rials banknote.

The Significance of the KUSTI: 


The Sadra and Kusti have become universal symbols of the Zoroastrian faith. While there are no written records of when the kusti originated and it is not certain who wove or wore the first kusti, it is clear that it is a part of the Indo-Aryan sacred tradition. It is seen in the janoi of the Hindu tradition and in the cord worn over priestly garments in the Orthodox Church.

The Avestan word for the sacred thread is aiwyaonghana, meaning to gird around. It originates from the yasna ceremony where a strip of the date palm is used to tie the Barsam twigs, in a ritual of uniting creation. The yasna, like the yagna, is a Bronze Age Aryan ritual which nurtures creation. The priest recites the ‘Yatha Hu Vairyo Mantra’, and whenever he utters the word Shyaothnanam, to act or of action, he ties the date palm cord into a reef knot. This is the reef knot which is tied when the word Shyaothnanam is uttered in the kusti ritual. So the girding of the kusti becomes symbolic of the Zoroastrian girding himself each morning in sacred armour, the sudreh and kusti, to become a warrior defending Spenta or Holy Creation.

Some legends state that Zarathustra initiated the kusti ritual, but according to the Dadestan-i-Denig and the Sad Dar, these symbols have been worn since the time of King Jamshed. Wearing the kusti is like performing Hama Zor and Hama Asho, uniting to perform good works and remaining connected with the sacred world.

Zoroastrian children learn that when Zarathustra’s father asked his son what he wanted as he left on his quest for Truth, Zarathustra asked only for the blessing of the sacred cord.

Linguistically, the word kusti has various derivations. It can be derived from Pahlavi, kust meaning direction or side, thus coming to mean, That which shows the proper direction or path. Sudreh, literally, the good path and kusti the direction finder, tells a Zoroastrian how to lead his life. From another derivation, kusti may mean a badge distinguishing those who are on the kust or side of Zoroastrianism. A kusti is made up of lamb’s wool or camel’s white hair representing the animal world. This white wool is considered to be an emblem of innocence and purity.

According to oral tradition, the 72 strands, from which the kusti is woven, represent the 72 chapters of the Yasna.. So, a Zoroastrian who ties his kusti with piety is said to have acquired the merit of performing the yasna ritual. In the Hormazd Yasht, 72 names of God are recited; the ritual then also becomes equivalent to its recitation.

Earth and sky

Technically, the kusti is a cream-coloured thread made of wool. It is a narrow, long, hollow tube with tassels at both the ends. The length of the kusti varies from three yards to about six yards. The average kusti is of four and half yards and is known as mapni kusti. The hollow tube is representative of the two layers, the sky and the earth. The hollow part in the middle is symbolic of the atmosphere in between, meaning that the wearer should always please and protect all clean and pure things, which exist between the sky and the earth.

Currently, Parsi women in several parts of India practise kusti weaving. Earlier women from the priestly class alone wove the kustis. Due to the diminishing boundaries between the Athornans or priestly class, and Behdins or laity, women of the laity have also started weaving kustis for economic benefit. Once considered a domestic skill necessary for every young girl and taught in all Parsi schools, kusti making has today become a specialised craft practised mainly by elderly women. Kusti-making is an art that takes years to master and due to poor returns, very few women take it up as a profession.

On kantwanu or spinning is the first step in the making of a kusti. Most women start the process with a little prayer. The wool is spun into fine yarn with the help of a chaaterdi or drop spindle. Two spindles of single yarn are then twisted to form a strong and uniform yarn known as durry which is used for weaving. This process of double plying is known as val dewanu and is done on a bigger spindle or chaaterdo.

A walk in the Parsi Vads of Navsari shows women effortlessly spinning on their verandahs with their chaaterdis and chaaterdos and chatting with their neighbours.

Some women only specialise in spinning the yarn and provide the spun yarn to the weavers. According to an admirable age-old custom, the spinner gives the weaver enough yarn for two kustis. The weaver, in turn, weaves one for the spinner and one for herself. While no money is exchanged, it is an equitable barter.

The actual process of kusti weaving is carried out on the jantar or loom. This small wooden, folding loom consists of a simple framework of shafts and pulleys. The jantar is specially designed for weaving the kusti, which is a narrow and tubular textile.

Weaving on the jantar is very flexible. Since the loom is light, it can be easily carried from room to room and even while travelling. Most weavers believe that this loom must have originated in Navsari around the 1930s.

After the kusti is woven, it is taken off the loom in a complete loop. It is now handed over to the priest to be cut and consecrated. The kusti is now turned inside out with the help of a needle. In this process, all the loose ends are taken throughout the length of the woven kusti. If the kusti has not been woven properly and if any thread is loose and gets entangled with the needle, then the whole kusti is spoilt and has to be discarded. Most women breathe a sigh of relief when they see the needle come out of the other end. The kusti is now complete.

Symbolically, the difficult process is to remind us that we have come to this physical world for the sake of advancing into the spiritual world. It is not an easy task to grow spiritually and requires focused concentration.

The loose thread at the ends of the kusti, lars, are divided into nine parts and plaited to form a fine tubular finish. This process is known as lar guthvanu and is done on both ends of the kusti.

Now the making of the kusti is complete but the cord has to be further treated before it is used. After a thorough wash, it is placed on a muslin cloth with a small vessel containing burning coal. A pinch of sulphur is added on the smouldering coal. The kusti and sulphur vessel is quickly covered with a larger circular vessel for 10 to 15 minutes. This process of bleaching is known as dhupvanu. Earlier, priests in the fire temple did this while consecrating the kusti.

An interesting feature of kusti weaving is that the jantar, being a foldable loom, does not occupy a fixed space. Even while weaving, the whole warp can be removed from the loom and transferred to another.

Whenever the weaver wishes to weave, the loom can again be stretched and the warp placed on it.

When women are menstruating and cannot weave, they generally fold the warp and place it aside. Very few looms in the world have this capacity in which a warp can be removed mid weaving.